The Qurious Student

France set to rejoin NATO command structure

2009-03-21T06:47:00.000-07:00

President Nicolas Sarkozy has submitted a formal request to rejoin the NATO command structure following a 43-year absence.
A letter with the request was presented to NATO Secretary General, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, during an EU summit in Brussels on Thursday. Submitting the letter was a formality but an essential step in France's return to the alliance, which celebrates its 60th birthday in two weeks.
In 1966, President Charles de Gaulle abruptly pulled France out of the NATO command and evicted all allied troops from French soil in an effort to assert French sovereignty. France has remained a NATO member but has stayed outside the decision-making core since de Gaulle's pullout.
Sarkozy, a conservative, has sought to mend frayed relations with the U.S. since taking office in 2007 and the election of President Barack Obama has boosted his efforts. This is the first genuine attempt to end the rift that has existed between Washington and Paris since De Gaeulle's actions.
Sarkozy's stance, however, have not been without criticism. Leftists and jurists at home have voiced their fears that a closer relationship with the U.S.-led alliance could limit France's prized ability to act independently on the world stage. Amid the opposition to Sarkozy's plan, Prime Minister Francois Fillon proposed a parliamentary no-confidence motion, which the government survived 329-238 in the Assemblée Nationale (France's lower house).
It must be admitted, however, that the UK's "special relationship" with the US has allowed it to play a disproportionate role in international affairs. France, of comparable size and strength to the UK, can now hope to do the same. The move will also allow better relations between the EU and the US.

Ní neart go cur le chéile

2009-03-20T09:46:00.000-07:00

Earlier this month, Tony Blair had this to say about the Union;

"Our age is being shaped by the twin forces of globalisation and interdependence. In such an era, our Union is not a relic of a bygone age, but a quintessentially modern expression of how we find common bridges between diverse peoples and hold shared values while retaining distinctive identities. What a dismal message it would send to the rest of the world that we, on these small islands, cannot live together in a political, social and economic union."

Nationalism in all corners of the UK, even in England, must come to terms with what is a reality; the UK is a stronger force together than Scotland, Wales, England or NI as part of the Irish Republic could ever be. As the old Irish proverb tells us, "Ní neart go cur le chéile" (There's no strength without unity).

Paris Uncut

2009-03-19T11:45:00.001-07:00

Ah! The City of Lights! Unlike numerous other European destinations, the allure of Paris is not confined to a central, frenetic tourist playing field, such as Dublin's Temple Bar; the entire city is sprinkled in gems, both known and hidden. It would be easy to assume familiarity of Paris due to the litany of world-famous sights. Away from the Arc de Triomphe, the Louvre and the Eiffel Tower, however, there is a host of overlooked places to enjoy. Next time you're in Paris, be sure to stray from the well beaten track that you no doubt always tread!
To gather your bearings upon arrival in Paris, there are countless dynamic and even eccentric tours on offer. One company that stands out is Fat Tire Bike Tours, who offer a night bike ride of the city. The tour is €28 per person and covers all the main attractions in the much more seductive twilight hours.
A visit to the museums is a must but after battling through the mêlée of the Metro crowds and enduring the colossal Louvre queues, an escape from the frenzy can be found in the 20th arrondissement. Situated on the extreme Right Bank, the premier attraction is the renowned Père -Lachaise Cemetery. Established in 1804, the cemetery now has a legendary status, thanks to the world's modern obsession with celebrity icons, dead (as they are in this case) or alive. Getting off the Metro at the side entrance on Line 3 allows visitors to enter facing Oscar Wilde’s memorial and then proceed down to the rest of the cemetery. Other people buried there include Edith Piaf and Jim Morrison, the latter having a cult following that has caused tensions amongst families of nearby graves. The vast array of tales and myths associated with Père-Lachaise makes it a thoroughly intriguing attraction; for example, the memorial of Victor Noir, a journalist killed by Napoleon Bonaparte, depicts a partially aroused Noir and has since become a shrine of fertility!
Another institution bearing significance for me is the Irish College (now the Centre Culturel Irlandais). The college was founded in the 18th century to train priests for Ireland. The old chapel has been beautifully restored and the old rooms for the seminarians now occupied by Irish artists, writers, musicians and students. The relaxed college atmosphere leaks out into the Latin Quarter of the city with bistros providing the narrow cobbled streets with romantic lighting.
Almost next door to the Irish College is the Panthéon (pictured above). An awe-inspiring, Greco-Roman church, the Panthéon has become synonymous with the final resting place of some of France’s best known sons; Voltaire, Victor Hugo (author of Les Misérables and The Hunchback of Notre Dame), Émile Zola and most recently Alexandre Dumas, the author of The Three Musketeers. Dumas’ memorial is draped in a blue cloth inscribed with the immortal cheer ‘Un pour tous, tous pour un’ (“All for one, and one for all”).
A short walk from the Panthéon is the Jardin du Luxembourg. The garden epitomises the elegance and majesty associated with French creativity. Ideal on a sunny day, the gardens, though often thronged with tourists, are idyllic surroundings for wasting an afternoon and observing the Palais du Luxembourg (home to the French Sénat) and Fontaine de Medicis.
Finally, Montmartre. This is where the best view of the Parisian skyline can be obtained and where artists and alternatives gather to muse. Montmartre even has the red-light district, Pigalle, as a neighbour. Pigalle is where the Moulin Rouge and the equally interesting Sexodrome can be found.
Paris is a city steeped in historical revolution, while at the same time remaining fashionably à la minute. The city continues to wear the scars and trophies of its luminaries, making it infinitely beguiling. Don't forget to put at least some of these lesser known treasures on your itinerary.

It's official! Labour has lost the plot!

2009-03-19T09:23:00.000-07:00

The government has actually tried to hit back at claims that it is wasting taxpayers' money on its Second Life project. The 3D "innovations centre" on the Second Life site cost £20,000 to set up and costs £12,000 a year to run even though it is not accessible to the public. Conservative MP Nick Hurd said it showed the government was "living in a fantasy world".
A spokesman for the Department of Work and Pensions said, "We are currently exploring the potential of using Second Life and have active interest from a number of government departments. Our new innovation centre in Second Life is a virtual area where both government and private companies can showcase technological innovations, such as low carbon footprint technology."
The project is still only open to a few companies and some government departments, with no plans to open it to the public as of yet. The project will be reviewed in 2011.

It's interesting to know that the money is readily available for projects like these. With no prospect of employment when I graduate next year, I'm glad the government has so much cash; I suppose I'll see some of that extra money. Won't I?

The world is laughing at you, Labour! Seriously, get a grip!

Sciences Po occupied!

2009-03-18T04:33:00.000-07:00

The Institut d'Études Politiques à Paris (known as Sciences Po) was last night occupied by some 200 students from universities and schools in the Paris region. The students assert that Sciences Po is a "symbole du système élitiste et hiérarchique dans l'enseignement supérieur français." (a symbol of the elitist and hierarchical system in French higher education.)

This is part of a wider turbulence within French universities. Their main grievance is that under the reforms proposed by the government, fees will increase and academics will have to do either more teaching or more research but for the same remuneration.

Not much else has come of this. The national transport strike on 19th March will interesting to watch should it instigate a deterioration in talks between union leaders and the government.

St. Patrick's Day in Paris

2009-03-16T08:16:00.000-07:00

St. Patrick's Day has become the spring board for promoting Ireland the world over and France is no exception. The Centre Culturel Irlandais (better known as the Irish College) in Paris has put on a veritable smorgasbord of Irish events to celebrate this iconic Irish (Welsh, I know) figure. My Irish and non-Irish colleagues here are eagerly awaiting tomorrow when we will all celebrate in good old-fashioned, drunken style but the events of the weekend were a phenomenal representation of Irish culture.
On Saturday evening, I attended the presentation of seasonal liturgical music by the Choir of the National Seminary of St. Patrick, Maynooth. The concert was held in the wondrous St. Patrick's Chapel at the Irish College (Pictured above). The programme was a great mix of the new and old, bringing the Irish liturgical tradition to life once again. The standard of performance given by the choir, under the direction of Dr. John O'Keefe, was astonishing. The hairs on my neck stood during each hymn and the profound sense of piety was felt by all. The choir doesn't exactly tour much so I was acutely aware of the privilege to be present at this rare opportunity to hear a unique male-voice group.
As if the concert itself wasn't enough, I attended the Mass for St. Patrick at the local French church, St. Étienne du Mont, the following day. The same choir led the congregation in a variety of traditional Irish hymns. The Mass was celebrated by the Bishop of Limerick, Dr. Donal Murray, who gave an insightful homily outlining the parallels between the Irish living abroad and St. Patrick himself living in Ireland; perhaps it is appropriate that his feast day is the day on which the Irish throughout the world celebrate their identity.
The Mass was attended by the Parisian Irish community, the Irish ambassador to France, the mayor of the 5th arrondissement and a sprinkling of interested local French men and women. The traditional shamrocks were worn by all, as well as a purple ribbon in defiance of the recent violence in Northern Ireland.
It is ironic that living abroad has made me more aware of the rich scholastic and musical tradition that Ireland has. The comical stereotype of the drunken Irishman is, perhaps, all too easily ignored by the Irish and maybe we should remind others (and ourselves) that the Irish contribution to human progress is by no means insignificant. 'Beannachtam na Féile Pádraig!' Happy St. Patrick's Day!

Simpsons to do Paddy's Day!

2009-03-16T06:26:00.000-07:00

Check out the BBC webpage http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/7945760.stm

The Simpsons are being aired on Sky1 on Tuesday ahead of American TV. It's a special episode to mark St. Patrick's Day!

An Argument on Behalf of Unionism

2009-03-16T05:47:00.000-07:00

In his fabulously well written and meticulously researched book, The Fate of Southern Unionists: Crisis and Decline, Robert Brendan McDowell states, "Strong convictions, readily and confidently expressed, were a characteristic of Southern Unionists, but unfortunately a systematic exposition of their political creed was never published."
It is probably fair to extend this analysis to modern Ulster Unionism (though that phrase itself is part of a wider problem). The greatest failure of Unionism in Northern Ireland has been its inability to present a coherent, inclusive and logical argument on behalf of the Union with Great Britain. The Republican Movement has always been able to point to the abuse of civil rights, the illogic of a divided island, the treatment of Irish Catholics in past centuries and, more recently, the Celtic Tiger in order to justify a united, sovereign 32 county Republic.
In spite of certain hypocrisies and a twisting of certain historic events to their convenience, the nationalists do have a point. Catholicism was systematically suppressed, especially and most shamefully between 1922 and 1972 in Northern Ireland. In addition, it is slightly odd that an island as small as Ireland is divided into two separate jurisdictions. It's not the only place in the world (Cyprus being another example) but that doesn't necessarily mean it's a good idea.
Unfortunately, the image of Unionism to many nationalists and others is that of a small, insecure community, insensitive to political change, fervently anti-Catholic, narrow minded, plagued by a siege mentality and constantly wallowing in self pity. Harsh? Well, to be fair, it's not far from the truth and the description could be applied to any number of Unionist leaders.
Willie Frazer, founder and leader of Families Acting for Innocent Relatives (FAIR), is the embodiment of all of these things. Saying that he had "a lot of time for Billy Wright", inviting Ku Klux Klan member, Larry Pratt, to Armagh in 2004 and bringing Love Ulster, a victims group, to march in Dublin with horrific consequences, he has probably done more damage than good to the Unionist cause.
Love Ulster was a lost opportunity. Why march in Dublin to highlight the suffering of Unionists at the hands of terrorism? The Dublin government and the vast majority of the people of the Republic weren't involved with and didn't support these killings; frankly, they couldn't care less about Northern Ireland. Much better to march for an improved understanding of Unionism, to create a more receptive attitude to its ideas.
Unionists have traditionally believed that the Union with Great Britain is of the greatest political, economic and social value to Irishmen. It is, therefore, proper to argue on behalf of the Union on all of these fronts, giving equal weight to each. Counter arguments can certainly be given but it is the task of Unionism to ensure that these other claims are exposed to be untrue or at least less meritorious than its own.
In the area of political value, a strong case can be made. The United Kingdom is a much bigger player on the world stage than the Republic of Ireland. Together, it is the fifth largest economy in the world. Together, it has a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. Together, it is a member of the G8, a prominent member of NATO, a huge influence within the European Union, a nuclear power, it has one of very few "blue-water" navies, it has one of the three financial centres of the world and it has a strong network of allies via the Commonwealth of Nations. If Northern Ireland were to secede the United Kingdom it would have much less influence internationally and within Europe. It would have little chance of having its voice heard.
In the twenty first century, the world is fast changing. The traditional power of the West is waning, while India and China are becoming substantial world powers. Their economies are set to overtake that of the United States by the middle of the century and their voices are thundering louder than ever on issues such as nuclear proliferation, the environment and international security. A divided UK will be powerless in the face of these new political giants.
The argument on the economic value of the Union is much more muddled, not least because NI's economy is a drain on the rest of the UK, while the Republic has witnessed unprecedented prosperity in the last decade. It is true that the rest of the UK subsidizes the Northern Irish economy to the tune of £5,000m a year (around 20% of NI's economic output) and that this subvention would be too much for the Republic of Ireland to handle without a massive increase in tax. This threatens NI's position within the Union as well; the rest of the UK won't be happy to pay for NI's economic underperformance forever. Northern Ireland's economy needs badly to catch up with the rest of the island and with the rest of the UK to copper fasten the Union - a difficult task given the current economic climate.
With an improved economy, the rest of the UK would be much more interested in investing in Northern Ireland and taking advantage of its land border with the Republic. NI, however, needs to prove itself to be a good place in which to set up business. It's of the utmost importance, therefore, to retain graduates and improve the education and training sector.
Moreover, the economic injustice of partition seems to be the mantra of Sinn Féin. Unionists need to prove that this is a myth and clearly untrue. Northern Ireland isn't the only place in the world that shares a border with another state and free trade within the EU makes the issue of a border less important. Northern Ireland's retail sector boomed at Christmas due to the weak Sterling and massive trade coming from people fleeing the over-priced Republic. The advantage of trading in Northern Ireland, therefore, needs to be sold to the wider business sector.
Socially, Northern Ireland is much better off within the Union than as part of the Republic. The old fears of anti-Home Rulers did materialize; Catholicism held the Republic in its firm grasp for far too long, the economy was geared toward agriculture until very recently, the Gaelic language was forced down everyone's throat and the symbols of the old regime were quickly dispensed with and any connection with Britain swept under the carpet.
Today, however, these arguments are weakening. The Catholic Church's influence in public life is negligible and the Irish economy has stunned the world with its sheer brilliance. Other difficulties do remain, particularly with the Irish Constitution, and these are discussed below. Despite this, the negative attitude towards the Republic shouldn't be the basis for remaining in the Union. There are many positive aspects to being part of the UK. RB McDowell writes, "[The Union enables Northern] Ireland to share in the councils, activities and thought of three other historic communities: the English, the Scots and the Welsh, the four nations working happily together with each preserving its distinctive qualities and traditions, the United Kingdom demonstrating how much vigorous variety [can] flourish within in a common political framework."
In addition, all Irishmen are to some extent Anglo-Irish and Ireland's contribution to British heritage cannot be understated. A common language, a common literature and countless cultural and other connections mean that ideas and currents of thought are in constant exchange across the Irish sea. In short, the Union is of mutual benefit.
These are just some of the things that Unionism could do or arguments it could make if it wants to present itself as more appealing to a wider electoral base. It should be remembered that Unionism itself isn’t a culture - it’s a political ideal and the sooner the two are detached the better. If Ulster Scots want to be Ulster Scots then that is fine. The Union, however, is about much more than that. Unionism is about the cultures of all of the people on the British isles living in harmony and much more needs to be done to prove that the Union isn’t a threat to Gaelic culture.
This use of Gaelic instead of Irish is deliberate. Being Irish doesn’t necessarily mean one is Gaelic. A major problem with the Republic of Ireland is that its Constitution has a remarkably narrow view of being Irish and places the Gaelic language above English in public life. Its pre-amble makes references to the “Holy Trinity” and to the “struggle of our forefathers” to achieve independence. This Gaelic/Catholic/Republican slant excludes a lot of people from what should be an inclusive state. Unionists should point this out as a reason for not wanting to join the Irish Republic; they can’t share in the heritage laid down by the Constitution. Equally, they should strive to embrace the multi cultural aspect of the modern UK.
Though some people in NI see themselves as Ulster Scots, people should not understate the fact that they are Irish too. It is frustrating to hear people deny being Irish and say they are British. It is possible to be both and any denial of being Irish only feeds Sinn Féin‘s claims that Britain is a foreign country. The Royal Irish Regiment and the Irish Guards are a great example of this dual identity. They are indeed British Army regiments but they are Irish too and receive shamrocks on St. Patrick‘s Day from a member of the Royal family.
There is much to be done to present Unionism as a viable option for more and more people at election time. This doesn’t just include Northern Ireland. Unionism shouldn’t be compartmentalized into little distinct areas. Unionism is as much for the Welsh as it is for the Irish, as much for the Scots as it is for the English. The move by the Conservative party has been significant in this regard. Let’s hope Labour and the Liberal Democrats follow suit and end the semi detached nature of Northern Ireland with the rest of the UK.
This burden rests just as much on Unionism in Northern Ireland. The term Ulster Unionism is so parochial as to be suffocating. "Little Englander" is a criticism often levelled at English MPs. Others mustn't be allowed to label Unionists in Northern Ireland as "Little Ulstermen". Unionism is a national political belief and should be treated as such.
The election next year will hopefully be a turning point in Northern Ireland. The polls are promising for the Tories, while core Sinn Féin and DUP voters are feeling disenfranchised. NI needs a breath of fresh air if it is to succeed in improving its economy and taking its rightful place as an equal constituent nation of the United Kingdom. Unionism needs to organize as a political creed that can garner cross community support. The only way to thwart Sinn Féin is to demonstrate the benefits of the Union, not merely and not solely the vacuous claims to cultural links with Scotland and how a united Ireland would threaten these. Don't waste what could be the last opportunity to safeguard the Union for future generations!

Holding up the mirror: Northern Ireland and Hong Kong

2009-03-13T09:14:00.000-07:00

Anyone born in Northern Ireland in the late 1980s, grew up in a region that was in the closing years of civil strife. By the time they were becoming politically conscious, the final acts of violence were being played out and the political landscape of Northern Ireland was transforming itself beyond all recognition. The most notable landmark of such change was the Good Friday Agreement of 1998.
In Hong Kong, the same age group was experiencing a somewhat uncanny parallel. On a similar timeframe, they would have been born and would have grown up in British Hong Kong only to see the dependency handed over to the People's Republic of China in 1997. The seismic shifts in politics would have been just as tangible, I'm sure, in Hong Kong as they were in Northern Ireland. Perhaps both groups belong to what could be described as a transitory generation.
The implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and the Sino-British Joint Declaration have had comparable effects on their respective regions. In a bid to achieve a "lasting settlement", both Hong Kong and Northern Ireland have had to make democratic sacrifices. The Northern Ireland Assembly is indeed elected by the people of Northern Ireland but the idea of consociationalism, which creates a forced coalition, is far removed from the traditional western concept of democracy. Equally, the Hong Kong system of government has a distinct interpretation of democracy; only half of the legislature is directly elected by the people while the other half represents various business and professional interests.
Another area of comparison is the strange constitutional relationship both regions have with their respective “mother” countries. Both have autonomy in the same broad spectrum of competencies, though some differences do exist. Constitutionally, the status of both regions is prone to change. Hong Kong’s self-government is secured only until 2047. By the same token, a simple shift in demographics could see Northern Ireland secede the United Kingdom and join the Irish Republic.
Do Hong Kong people view themselves as Chinese but anglicized or at least westernized to such an extent as to enjoy and prefer the semi-detached status of Hong Kong with China? Perhaps they feel fully Chinese and are eager to play an ever integrated role in Chinese society. I'm sure both views are present. In the same way, there is an incurable schizophrenia in Northern Irish society. Many long for a united Ireland while others hold fast to the Union.
Both regions, very small islands, have played disproportionate roles in the development of British, if not world history. The similarities are astounding. Are these two places, over 6,000 miles apart, more similar than they appear? They certainly aren't neighbours but as products of receding imperialism, perhaps they are cousins in a shared experience.

Nationalism needs to get real!

2009-03-07T22:00:00.000-08:00

“There can be no place for so called British Special Forces within any civic and accountable policing structures. People in Ireland know only too well how these particular groups choose to operate..."
This was Gerry Adams' response to the revelation that Sir Hugh Orde, Chief Constable of the PSNI, has requested the deployment of British Special Forces to Northern Ireland in order to help combat the ever growing problem of dissident republicanism.
Adams' attack on the operational techniques of the Special Forces no doubt refers to the "shoot-to-kill" policy employed by the SAS in the 1980s. He cunningly fails to mention how the IRA operated; one would be hard pressed to find any arrests made by the IRA on record, though a catalogue of murders, punishment shootings and intimidation could be recited with ease.
Other leading politicians have criticized the decision. The SDLP has clashed with Sir Hugh over his decision to deploy these specialist Signal Intelligence (SIGINT) officers, though seeming more upset over the fact that the Policing Board had not been informed in advance.
This does seem to be an attempt to up-stage Sinn Féin on this issue and the DUP's Ian Paisley Jnr has described the surprising reaction of both Sinn Féin and the SDLP as a contest to see who has the "hairier chest" on this matter. It is believed that the two parties are jostling for the "green card", Sinn Féin having superseded the SDLP as the natural choice for nationalists in 2002.
Relatives for Justice, a group involved with providing support and working with relatives of people affected by alleged state-sponsored violence during the Troubles, has condemned the decision also. They are planning legal action, claiming that this move amounts to a policy reposition. Under section 6 of the NI Police Act all policy changes must receive the approval of the Policing Board; this has not yet obtained such support.
Unionist parties have backed Sir Hugh in his decision, arguing that as a question of national security, this has nothing to do with the Policing Board.
The murder of two soldiers and the injury of four others on 7th March has vindicated the Chief Constable's actions. The attack is widely believed to have been carried out by dissident republicans, the very same groups that have required the deployment of Special Forces.
Dissident republicanism is a scourge on Northern Irish society. These thugs have no popular support whatsoever. Their tribal, sectarian and jingoist agenda is irrelevant to the people of NI and perceived, even by many nationalists, as both socially corrosive and an obstacle to economic progress.
The SDLP's grievance about the Policing Board not being informed may be valid but the idea that it is somehow wrong to deploy Special Forces to tackle terrorism is ultimately flawed. If the Chief Constable believes that his force needs military assistance, then who are Sinn Féin and the SDLP to disagree? The recent growth in dissident activity is alarming and indicative of the serious threat that these people pose. The shooting of a Catholic policeman in Derry in 2007 demonstrates that threat all too well.
More worrying is the demographic of these groups. According to Sir Hugh, “The people we are arresting are not 50 or 60-year-olds from the old world. These are young people who are being targeted by dissidents — disenfranchised, marginalized young people whom they are now using to do their dirty work.”
Gerry Adams claims that Sir Hugh must do "the right thing" and that "to open up the old agenda" was "not the way forward". So, what is the right thing? In light of the recent murders, what other choice is there? It is overwhelmingly clear that to oust terrorism from Northern Ireland and to prevent any more political killings, we need the army, however repugnant that may be to some people. I suppose realism isn't for the likes of Sinn Féin, a party, like the ANC, which never actually expected to be in power. Now that it's in the driving seat, Sinn Féin seems reluctant to exchange ideology for pragmatism. Sadly, the SDLP, in a bid to recover lost ground, has succumbed to the same fairytale politics. Perhaps the American actor, George Burns, was right - "Too bad that all the people who really know how to run the country are busy driving taxi cabs and cutting hair." We'll just have to make do.

A Foreigner's View of the French Student Strikes

2009-03-07T20:02:00.000-08:00

Walking by the Panthéon last Wednesday (4th March 2009), it was hard to remain focused on the soon-to-start Everton v Blackburn Rovers match due to a much more interesting incident that was fast gathering momentum. A group of students from the Sorbonne had occupied France's premier law school, Université Panthéon-Assas Paris 2, and the Gendarmerie were doing their best to prevent the eagerness of the protestors from developing into a full blown riot.
The students inside the building had opened a few windows on the ground floor in an attempt to let other protestors on the street enter and join them. Attempts to climb in by several students were hindered by a handful of over zealous policemen who weren't too reluctant to deliver a few swift knocks to the head with their truncheons.
The police had blocked the entire "Rue Soufflot" and began charging at the outdoor mob. The protestors soon retreated to the bottom of the street where they turned onto "Boulevard St. Michel". After a few more keen charges by the police, the students quickly dispersed and my friends and I managed to get to the pub, though it was student politics and not the game that received most of our attention.
This was only one incident in what is now a national strike by most French students and many lecturers, Assas being the exception. Assas hasn't been on strike since it broke away from the Sorbonne in 1968. The actions of the students on Wednesday were no doubt an attempt to garner support among their counterparts there. The strike is still unauthorized in many of the Universities but the Sorbonne has told its foreign students that it is now official and their time would be best spent in their respective home countries.
In Ireland, it's very hard to get students interested in any aspect of student affairs, let alone get them onto the streets at 8pm and risk arrest for a cause. The fear and anger of the French students must be quite grave if it would lead to such a reaction. Actually, it's not and the French will strike as readily as the Irish will sing. It's tempting to cite Nicholas Sarkozy's remark in 2007 - "These days, when there's a strike in France, nobody notices."
The entire strike centres on what all strikes centre on - money. Valérie Pécresse, the Minister for Higher Education, has proposed sweeping reforms for the financing of third level education in the country. Those most affected are students on the teacher training course, CAPES (Le Certificat d'Aptitude au Professorat de l'Ensiegnement du Second degré - The Qualification for the Second level Teaching Profession). CAPES students will be denied their one year of paid work experience and will have to share classes with Masters students in the same discipline so as to cut teaching costs.
Until now, the number of teachers required in schools was the number of students allowed to pass the course each year. The reforms will create a free market system whereby all deserving students can pass and then compete for jobs.
These reforms will mean the loss of 900 university posts and pressure on remaining researchers and lecturers to justify the way they spend their research time. In addition, the lecturers may see increases of up to 100% on the hours they are expected to teach.
As a foreigner, it is difficult to empathize with this level of frustration at reforms which will help end the cosy, lazy attitude that brought in the 35-hour working week (remember it's still only 15-18hrs per week for secondary school teachers) and bring the education system better results via a competitive market for teaching staff.
So, what's the problem? In short, the problem is in the French psyche which is inherently socialist and anti-capitalist. I'm glad Assas isn't on strike. As a student there, I would feel compelled to break the picket line and sit in an empty lecture hall just to irritate the leftist fanatics. What shocks me is that France hasn't gone the same way as Britain did in the 1970s.
When elected, Sarkozy was described as France's Thatcher. Historical parallels are often cliché, inaccurate and irrelevant. Watching this strike escalate, however, I am inclined to think that this could be Sarkozy's miners' strike. Let's hope he shows the tenacity and resolve of Mrs. Thatcher. Let's hope he doesn't give way like all others before him.
If asked, one could detail the reasons for the strike but a one phrase answer could be useful to remember if in a rush - "Because they stormed the Bastille in 1789 and it worked!"

Remembering Ireland's Fallen Heroes of Yesteryear - Trinity News Article from March '08

2009-03-07T17:51:00.000-08:00

This Easter many Trinity students probably donned the commemorative lily and possibly involved themselves in some event honouring the participants of the Easter Rising of 1916. Few would have been unable to escape the unusual sight of a tricolour flying high above Regent House, or media coverage of the official parade in Dublin. However, what will be done this November, the 90th anniversary of the ending of The Great War, to remember the many more Irishmen who fought valiantly on the battlefields of Europe in the name of a greater cause? As the Irish nationalist and advocator of Home Rule, John Redmond, said, the fight for “…the freedom of small nations such as Belgium or Serbia, was that of Ireland as well.” It is unlikely that much will be done in College or elsewhere to remember their sacrifice.
Most students here are probably unaware of the scale of the Irish contribution. The figures are debated but the volunteers in solely Irish divisions numbered around 210,000. This doesn’t include the many thousands of expatriates who joined other British and Commonwealth regiments. In comparison the Easter Rising was but “the small dust in the balance.” After all, only 5,000 Republicans even took part in the Easter Rising; the same number of Irishmen fell on the first day of the Battle of the Somme. Yet, the evidence of remembering such a costly sacrifice is sparse, save in the Unionist bastion of Ulster.
While these gallant men braved the living hell of the trenches, a band of minority extremists occupied the GPO and, without mandate, staged an insurrection. Their actions were nothing short of a bitter betrayal of their fellow countrymen who were dying in their thousands on foreign soil. Very little is heard about the true heroes of 1916 nowadays. Perhaps it is better to ignore their sacrifice than to recognize the rather questionable nature of certain actions carried out by men now considered national heroes.
It should be noted, however, that this apathy or sheer ignorance was not always the norm. In the decade subsequent to 1918 efforts were made to honour the fallen but these were met with a new political climate which discouraged such homage at best and proved hostile at worst. A Remembrance service at College Green in 1925 was disrupted by a smoke bomb and participants attacked by Sinn Féin supporters. Other such incidents resulted in the service being relocated to Phoenix Park. Services were scaled back in the years following the election of the first Fianna Fáil government which was very much unreceptive to such commemorations. Other efforts to extol the fallen were hindered and the War Memorial Gardens were allowed to fall into a reprehensible state of disrepair until well into the 1980s.
Some attempts have been made recently to remedy the situation. The good work of former TD, Paddy Harte, resulted in the Island of Ireland Peace Park in Messines, Belgium. Sadly, this gesture was somewhat undermined shortly after its completion in 1998 when the Defence Forces Band refused to play at the Menin Gate in Ypres. The official reason given was that the Army buglers were busy practicing for other engagements but senior sources revealed the true reason to be that the Army felt it inappropriate to play at a British memorial. They no doubt overlooked the fact that many of the 55,000 names engraved on the gate were Irish. Then again, such incidents would ruffle few feathers in the 26 counties. How many students have visited the Peace Park? Moreover, how many have even heard of it?
War commemorations have long since symbolized Unionist solidarity in Northern Ireland. In fact, the infamous Portadown saga of the 1990s centred on a march commemorating the Battle of the Somme. The monopolization of remembering the Irish sacrifice by the Protestant community has played some role in creating the Catholic amnesia surrounding The Great War but the efforts on this side of the border in countering that have been lukewarm by any yardstick. Trinity College at one stage represented the residual anti-republicanism of the 26 counties but last year we witnessed a passionate, if superficial, popular student-campaign to have the Irish tricolour flown above Trinity on a daily basis. Enthusiasm to remember the heroes of 1914-1918, of whom many were Trinity students or graduates, was not so evident.
The Great War, if anything, represents the complexity of relations among the people on this small island and between us and Britain. Many of the volunteers in The Great War considered themselves Irish Patriots, including Ulster protestants, but not all were separatists. It is incorrect to treat the Irish of The Great War as traitors simply because they fought in the British Army. Politically they may have been far from republican but they were no less Irish and no less deserving of our gratitude.
The words on this page will soon be forgotten by most but more tragic than each individual death would be the failure to honour those who fought in a ‘war to end all wars’, however naïve that belief may have been at the time. How many of us would be prepared to lay our lives down so selflessly for the betterment of future generations? As we near the 90th anniversary of the end of the bloody and sickeningly pointless carnage of The Great War it is perhaps salutary to reflect on the words of the Canadian Lieutenant Colonel John McCrae;
We are the Dead. Short days ago
We lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow,
Loved and were loved, and now we lie
In Flanders fields

My Trinity News Wine Column - Chardonnay

2009-03-07T17:42:00.000-08:00

We Irish don’t really do class all that well. When it comes to wine we excel in our ignorance. Even after almost twenty years of a wine boom here, we still ask for white or red in a restaurant. The more cultured of us may be able to name a few grapes but our eagerness to learn about wine has followed slowly after our enthusiasm to drink it.
Chardonnay, on its own, is as varied a grape as you will find. Each region and each producer is different. Each has its own attributes and idiosyncrasies and each will appeal to different palates. The success of this grape in recent years has been overwhelming and due in no short part to its easy-to-pronounce name and easy-to-pay price. The near-flooding of the market with wine made from this grape has brought prices tumbling but in some cases the quality has descended in tow.
Chardonnay is grown in practically every wine-producing country (apparently in China now too.) The wines are usually oaked but with varying degree (a factor which affects the aptitude of the wine to certain foods.)
Chardonnay is extremely sensitive to climate and the skills of the producer, so its variety is unrivalled by any other grape, red or white. Burgundy is still this author’s favourite. Burgundy whites are all Chardonnay, so the competition is fierce. Burgundy offers characteristically dry whites but hints of spices and hazelnut can be found in some of the top wines there.
The Chablis region of Burgundy produces crisp, dry wines with fruity overtones that are known the world over for their high quality.
New World Chardonnays are currently crowding the market. South African examples tend to be subtly oaked while Californian and Australian Chardonnays are traditionally spicy, while Chilean Chardonnays from the Lamari and Elqui regions are heavily influenced by the Pacific breeze.
Most Chardonnays accompany white meats very well and roast chicken in particular. Chablis tends to go well with pork, oysters and salads. New World Chardonnays are a perfect match for seafood dishes while the more oaky ones go very well with smoked fish.
This wine cannot be beaten on price. Some of my favourites include the Chilean Ariki Chardonnay (2007), which can be picked up for €5.99 in O’Brien’s, and Brocard Chablis (2006), which will set you back €15.99, but it will develop into a more structured and powerful wine in a few years (don’t worry, though, you can enjoy it now as well.)

My Trinity News Wine Column - Merlot

2009-03-07T17:41:00.000-08:00

Merlot is certainly a huge player in the red wine market. It is characteristically low in tannic bitterness which allows for its easy consumption almost as soon as the grape is squeezed.
Bordeaux is the ancestral home of the grape. The coolness and dampness of the region means that Cabernet-Sauvignon (Bordeaux’s primary grape) cannot always ripen, so Merlot, with its resilience and mellow character, can be found blended with some of the best Cabernet-Sauvignons imparting its richness and subtlety to the mix.
Elsewhere in Europe, Merlot has been adopted in response to its popularity. An area to look out for is Ticino. This Italian-speaking region of southern Switzerland produces some superb Merlots. They tend to be soft and easy to drink but some ultra-fruity examples can be found and some wines, after being aged in oak barrels, can be very distinctive and unique.
In the New World, wine can have an industrial efficiency about it and often lacks the personal touch of the age-old estates in Europe. There are, of course, exceptions and Chile has shown itself to be the leader of the pack. The wines here are of surprisingly high quality. Really fruity and rich Merlot is blended with the lesser-known grape Carmenere to form some great wines which are best drunk young.
Australia, on the other hand, doesn’t do Merlot very well at all. The same can be said of California; however, other regions in the States produce some fine grapes, my favourite being Washington State.
The grape is surprisingly flexible when it comes to food. Most game (pigeon, goose, duck) is well complemented with simple and even cheap Bordeaux. The low tannin content means that Merlot isn’t great for red meat but it would still wash down pork or liver quite well. Sometimes, though, it is enjoyed best without food.
If you’re having finger food then note that Merlot is a perfect partner for Parma ham, and New World Merlot enhances “hard” cheeses such as Prima Donna (Holland), Doddington (United Kingdom) and Pecorino Toscano Stagionato (Italy). For soft cheeses try a Chilean Merlot with Brie de Nangis (France) or even Brillat Savarin (France).
The sheer popularity of Merlot means that one doesn’t have to look very far for a cheap bottle.
I personally recommend Karu Merlot (2006), which you can pick up for € 6.99 in O’Briens. This Chilean wine is simply delightful and shockingly cheap. It has fruitiness to spare and will leave your mouth watering long after your final sip. Having roast beef this Sunday? Cook it rare and make sure to serve this with it.
Château Tarreyrots (2005) from Bordeaux is also a treat and at €11 from O’Briens, it’s a bargain too. Its subtlety is perfect for any lamb dish. It’s also perfect on its own and could be enjoyed with snacks or at a buffet.

My Trinity News Wine Column - Pinot Gris

2009-03-07T17:40:00.002-08:00

The love affair with wine in this country has baffled many but the Celtic Tiger has explained it all. People want to look snazzy, feel confident and live the life of a millionaire, albeit on the finance provided by Amex. Well, if one white grape defines credit driven success it’s Pinot Gris or, in Itailian, Pinot Grigio (the latter being best known to the middle-aged women who order it in the hopes of appearing sophisticated).
The name itself conjures up images of Northern Italy’s most gorgeous mountains and lakes in all of our minds. From where has this recent burst of “Pinot Gris mania” come? Why is it so fashionable? Why is it consumed with reckless abandon at staff dinners and ordered with an air of arrogance by those Johnny-come-latleys with pony tails? In all honesty, I don’t know but its success cannot be disputed nor its expansion stopped.
It is often thought that Alsace in eastern France produces the best of Pinot Gris in the world. Pinot Gris is one of only four grapes that have been allowed to use the “Grand Cru” denotation in Alsace (“Grand Cru” vineyards are considered the best and this name is used not just in Alsace but in Burgundy, Champagne and in some areas of Bordeaux also). Here, the wines are rich, acidic and deep in colour. The dry autumn of Alsace allows the grapes to remain on the vine considerably longer which results in much stronger and more powerful flavours.
In neighbouring Germany, this grape is known as Rulander when sweet or Grauburgunder when dry. The sweet variant is a result of allowing the grapes to over-ripen which causes greater sugar production in the grape. The Grauburgunder is much more compatible with foods, being comparatively lighter and more aromatic.
In Italy, some vintners have begun harvesting Pinot Grigio rather earlier in order to create crisp, yet insipid wines that are herbaceous throughout and can oftentimes taste of apple, lemon or pear. The Friuli region in North Eastern Italy produces some gems. Here the vintners pay much more attention to the plants while growing them. The result is evident; these wines stand out from the other Italian Pinot Grigio as being zesty, tangy, really dry and incredibly fresh. Oregon in the USA has surprised the wine drinking community with its great value. The wines here may be cheap but offer all the quality of others many times their price. Pinot Gris tends to be distinctly refreshing due to Oregon’s cool climate. Packed full of floral, mineral and almond flavours, the Oregon Pinot Gris makes an interesting drink. This Pinot Gris is much harder to come by than the more expensive Oregon Pinot Noir but when you find it, you’ll wonder aloud why this hasn’t yet invaded the Irish market.
Long known for the quantity rather than the quality of its wines, Argentina has also got some nice Pinot Gris. The high altitude (some vineyards are as high as 3000m) and cool climate mean Argentine vineyards are among the safest from disease and produce some fine refreshing wines with hints of lemongrass.
The Alsatian Pinot Gris is a great companion for confit of duck, pork or grilled fish. Most Italian Pinot Grigios are best on their own, consumed at parties. The more favourable Friuli style could accompany any creamy pasta dish, fresh salad or ham. When having Mild Cheddar and Mild Gouda, Brie and Camembert styles of cheese, then your Pinot Gris should most definitely be the drink of choice.
Available at O’Brien’s at €9.49 is the 2006 “Sachetto Pinot Grigio”. This is textbook Italian with its light, refreshing taste and fruity flavours. At €10.95 you can pick up the 2007 Argentine “Santa Celina Pinot Grigio” at Berry Bros & Rudd beside the Westbury Hotel. This rich and spicy number is a bargain at this price.

My Trinity News Wine Column - Sparkling Wines

2009-03-07T17:40:00.001-08:00

That time of year is here again when the staff parties begin and the Christmas spirit can be felt buzzing in the air. This year may have forced many to tighten the purse strings but why not party in style with some fine sparkling wine? Don’t fret! You don’t have to re-mortgage the house. Sparkling wine is made in most major wine producing countries and in countless lesser known regions making it virtually impossible to cover them all here! One benefit from this is that sparkling wine can be enjoyed cheaply these days and without losing any of that much sought after panache, even if it’s not Champagne.
First of all, we should dispel an old myth. Sparkling wine isn’t carbonated like Coca-Cola or 7up. The wine goes through a second fermentation in the bottle. This creates a lot of carbon dioxide which dissolves in the wine under pressure, creating that crisp, long-lasting effervescence.
Champagne is quite undoubtedly the most renowned and best of sparkling wines. The very name evokes the snobbery in all of us. Sometimes, however, if the wine is lacking richness, it is sweetened. This often spoils the character of the wine and has had the effect of tarnishing Champagne’s sterling reputation over the last few years.
What often confuses people about Champagne is the seemingly endless list of terminology. Once you get your head around this then a simple glance at a label should tell you everything you need to know.
Most Champagne is a blend of two or more vintages (the year’s grape harvest) and is therefore called Non-Vintage. The quality of Non-Vintage Champagne has varied considerably and some released in 2005 was generally thought unacceptable. On a lot of the labels you will find ‘Brut’ which means the wine is dry. Extra-dry denotes, funnily enough, a style less dry than Brut.
Single vintage Champagne is generally only made in the best years (‘95, ‘96, ‘00, ‘01 and ‘02 are some worthy ones) but during the 1990s it was thought that too many were declared so don’t be surprised if you get a mediocre bottle!
Some Champagnes are Blanc de Blancs, which is an elegant and light style of Champagne and made solely from the Chardonnay grape. Blanc de Noirs is Champagne made entirely from red grapes, either Pinot Noir, Pinot Meunier, or a combination of the two.
In Spain, the word for the traditional Champagne method is Cava (pronounced Caba, if you want to show off). Although not exclusively, most Cava comes from Catalonia. The unheard-of grapes Parellada, Macabeo and Xarel-lo are used but often complimented with Chardonnay or Pinot Noir. Cava is the bargain that will save you a fortune this Christmas. The youngest Cavas are the fruitiest and will con any unsuspecting guest at a house party!
Spumante (sparkling) or Frizzante (semi-sparkling) are Italian sparkling wines. The word Spumante means ‘foaming’ and, contrary to popular belief, the French didn’t invent sparkling wine; the Romans, more than two thousand years ago were drinking the world’s first ‘foaming’ wine! Spumante is made to sparkle either by the traditional French method or by the metodo charmat. i.e. not in the bottle but in the tank.
Lambrusco is an extremely popular red fizz in Italy and the Emilia-Romagna region is noted for producing this. It’s great with salami or buttery cheese sauces. Prosecco is a popular white grape, grown in Veneto and is often used to create soft, scented Spumante.
Australia produces blends using grapes from various areas but regional characters are beginning to emerge, most notably Tasmania. Some Australian fizz is made with Shiraz (or Syrah) which has a fascinating (and seductive) alcoholic edge to it.
In the USA, California has some rather good examples of how the traditional method can be used outside of Champagne. Oregon has also shown itself to be a worthy contender but in general the States aren’t a favourite of mine for fizz.
This Christmas try out the exemplary aperitif, Codorniu Reserva Raventos Cava. This Non Vintage won’t be too sore on your wallet at 16.99 (O’Brien’s). The Non Vintage La Pieve Prosecco is even cheaper at 13.99 (O’Brien’s) but definitely superior coming from the world class winemaker, Mionetto. Soft with peaches and pears, this is a great party drink. For the wealthier among us, Bauchet Selection Non Vintage Champagne at 24.99 (O’Brien’s) is still relatively cheap!

My Trinity News Wine Column - Carmenère

2009-03-07T17:37:00.000-08:00

Thought to be lost, Carmenère is a fantastic red grape which has some surprisingly delicious qualities and is now having a renaissance in the Chilean vineyards. This grape, also known as Grande Vidure, was fashionable in Bordeaux until the 19th century where it produced some deep reds and was a favourite blending grape much like Petit Verdot.
In Chile, Carmenère was not extinct at all but being produced widely, though labelled incorrectly as Merlot. It wasn't until 1998 that the Chilean government recognized it as a distinct variety of grape. Similarly, in Italy, the same grape was thought to be Cabernet Franc until recently.
The few differences between Carmenère and the other two grape varieties as plants resulted in this confusion. The difference on the palate, however, is not so subtle, leading to its resurgent popularity among wine enthusiasts the world over. It is now being planted once again in the Bordeaux region of St-Emilion. It is with an exciting mixture of curiosity and anticipation that many wait to see what the new Bordeaux age for the grape heralds.
Unfortunately, outside of Chile Carmenère remains a blending component. Small amounts are being tried out in California, Australia, New Zealand and even in China! The market for Carmenère, however, remains small and even in Italy, where it is produced quite a bit, it has not yet been allowed to be labelled on bottles as a distinct grape.
The rich, purple colour of Carmenère will be of no surprise to the budding etymologist who will know that the grape's name derives from the old French carmin, borrowed from Arabic, which means crimson. The wines have a very focussed nose (fancy speak for smell), plums and raspberries being dominant. These aromas carry through on the palate. Some savoury characters can also be found, among them grilled meat, coffee and even celery.
The Gorgonzola cheese, produced in Northern Italy, is superbly accompanied with a glass of Carmenère as is the French cheese Liavrot, which is produced in Normandy. The wine has enough character in its big fruity flavours to match the intense flavours of these cheeses. The grilled meat overtones in the wine make it a great companion for steak or BBQ dinners (not in this weather it must be admitted) and is an agreeable alternative to the Shiraz, or Syrah as it is known in France.
Above all, however, Carmenère is different. It makes such a change to those predictable labels that we all know so well. So many Cabernet Sauvignon and Merlot wines were no doubt produced at dinners or soirées over the Christmas period that we are all sick of them. Chile often gets snubbed by wine snobs as having mainly mass produced wines of no character and low quality. The Carmenère from these vineyards will go some way in silencing Chile's critics.
On the positive side of Carmenère's relative obscurity is its cheap prices - a welcome feature of any wine for the archetypal student. The Ariki Carmenère 2006 from Chile is just € 7.35 at O'Brien's Off Licence. This is typical of the grape with its fruits and also with peppery flavours. O'Brien's also recommend Andes Peaks Reserve Carmenère 2006 from Chile for the more blue-collar meal of bangers and mash. It is currently on offer at € 8.49. This is indeed a smooth and easy drinking wine. As with all Carmenère these wines are best drunk young.